The Name of the Rose
Third Day: After Compline (pp. 221-50)
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(pp. 210-20).
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"...the order of things must not be transformed, even if we must
fervently hope for its transformation" (p. 228): [Nancy Pine
comments:] This reflection by a mature Adso – an old man writing his
manuscript – relates to a work of Michel Foucault.
Foucault, in The Order of ThingsFoucault, Michel. "The Order of Things." Literary Theory: An
Anthology, ed. Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan
(Malden: Blackwell, 1998. 377-384), analyzes "the pure experience of
order and of its modes of being" (p. 382). He argues that the modern
age (beginning in the 19th century) makes a sharp turn from the
Classical age (c. 1650) regarding the theory of representation, theories
of language, wealth and value, and the natural orders. Foucault writes,
"Strangely enough, man–the study of whom is supposed by the naive to be
the oldest investigation since Socrates–is probably no more than a kind
of rift in the order of things, or in any case, a configuration whose
outlines are determined by the new position he has so recently taken up
in the field of knowledge" (p. 383). He adds that he is relieved to
think of man as only a recent invention, "and that he will disappear
again as soon as that knowledge has discovered a new form." Finally,
Foucault writes that the history of madness, of which he wrote of in
Madness and Civilization, would be the history of the Other.
However, "the history of the order imposed on things would be the
history of the Same–of that which, for a given culture, is both
dispersed and related, therefore to be distinguished by kinds and to be
collected together into identities" (p. 384).
Adso writes that he "now" knows that Dolcino, the Spiritual heretic, was
wrong for preaching for the death of all corrupt clergy (as were
Marsilius and other Minorities). However, as a novice he had had
conflicting thoughts. He recalls a conversation that he and William had
on the day he learned about Dolcino from Ubertino. William talks of the
lepers, the ultimate Other. He tells the young Adso that the condition
of the simple, or the Other, comes before heresy (p. 200). This is
similar to Foucault's notion that knowledge comes before man.
Therefore, while man is the vessel for knowledge, the church (or
monastic order) is the vessel for holiness. Adso asks, "Did holiness
consist in waiting for God to give us what His saints had promised,
without trying to obtain it through earthly means?" (p. 228). When
Dolcino uses heresy to try to change the church, he is actually trying
to change holiness itself. This is wrong because it would be an attempt
to transform the Same, or the natural order of things.
"... beware of the whore of Babylon..." (p. 230)
[Melissa Svigelij comments] Upon first reading the phrase asserted by Ubertino during his
conversation with Adso, the context implies that Ubertino meant to warn Adso
against the temptation of intimate female companionship. Further
investigation of the phrase results in a series of possible meanings.
Ubertino's warning to Adso may be analysed on a literal level as a
reference to the chief goddess of the Babylonians and the Assyrians, Ishtar.
Ishtar was worshipped in connection with morning and evening stars, and as
the goddess of fertility and queen of heaven. Among Babylonians as the
goddess of love, she brought destruction to many of her lovers. Ubertino may
be advising Adso to take caution with women because of the possibility of
ruin.
The "Whore of Babylon" began with Ishtar, but has since evolved. For
Catholics, the woman that appears in Revelation 12:1 with the sun glowing
behind her represents the Virgin Mary, queen of heaven, appearing on
judgement day. During Reformation, Protestants proclaimed the "Whore of
Babylon" to be the Roman Catholic Church. Although Ubertino in 1327 is
unaware of future transformations, Eco certainly is, and he inserts such
phrases for analysis of implication.
In 1327, Ubertino would be knowledgeable about the period of history in
the Roman Catholic Church often referred to as "Babylonian Captivity." This
term is frequently applied to the residence of the popes in Avignon, France,
from 1309 to 1377. Could his warning about the "Whore of Babylon" be a
reference to these popes?
From a non-literal perspective, the mysteries of Babylon are well-known
eschatological myths presented not only in John's book of Revelation, but
also among Hebrews, Muslims, and Zoroastrians. It is not surprising to find
reference to apocalyptic visions in a conversation not related to the end of
the world. Eco's novel is rich with allusions to judgement day.
Returning to the context of the conversation between Adso and Ubertino,
another interpretation presents itself. Adso and Ubertino are discussing the
role of Margaret in Dolcino's Apostolic Congregation. The great controversy
concerns the role of women in the church. If Ubertino is aware of the status
of ancient Babylonian women, the words may have another meaning. The
Babylonian women had certain important legal rights. She could hold
property, engage in business, and qualify as a witness. These rights would
seem liberal to Ubertino in 14th century Italy. Ubertino's warning could be
construed as advice against liberating women.
Babylonian influence is pervasive throughout the Bible and in the works
of such Greek poets as Homer and Hesiod, in the geometry of the Greek
mathematician Euclid, in astronomy, and in heraldry. Because Eco was
familiar with the impressions left by Babylonian achievements and with
apocalyptic visions, the reader is left to draw individual conclusions.
"Babylonia," Microsoft(R)Encarta(R)98 Encyclopedia. (c) 1993-1997 Microsoft
Corporation.
"Peter of Sant'Albano . . . writing a monumental history
of heresy" (p. 232): [Mike Almony comments] Much like William of Baskerville's name is stolen from the chronicles of
Sherlock Holmes and the life of William of Occam, the monk Peter of Sant'
Abano is a direct reference to Peter of Abano, one of the most prominent
writers and teachers on natural philsophy and medicine at the turn of the
fourteenth century [see Joan Cadden's "Sciences/Silences: The Natures and
Languages of "Sodomy" in Peter of Abano's Problemata Commentary".
Constructing Medieval Sexuality (ed. karma Lochrie, Peggy McCracken,
and James A. Schultz) Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997.]
Peter of Abano, "originally from northern Italy, was in Paris when he
produced his huge, influential Conciliator, an encyclopedic work
that discussed and resolved a long list of medical and scientific questions
on which the established authorities disagreed." [Constructing Medieval
Sexuality (CMS) 42] Peter of Abano "established his authority to give a
scientific account, where Jacques Despars and others declined to do so, are
(1) his practice of normalizing the subject by citing accepted authorities
and using conventional scholastic methods to compare and associate the
subject with the familiar and mainstream; (2) his persistent application of
naturalistic explanations at the anatomical, physiological, and
psychological levels; and (3) his evasive and unstable use of language,
especially of names for the types of men [i.e.,sodomites] he is
discussing." (CMS 43).
What I believe is compelling, is that in The Name of the Rose Peter
of Sant' Albano has stopped writing his encylopedia of heresy because of
"after what happened in the Abbey". I am assuming that was is being
implied as "what happened in the Abbey" is the act of sodomy by Berengar on
Adelmo of Otranto, which is the catalyst for the first death in the abbey
(Adelmo's suicide).
Peter of Abano has a "heretical" explanation as to the nature of sodomy--
that is through "individual commitment to naturalistic explanation"
(CMS 46)-- that is anal stimulation as a result of malformed pores
and inclination is instilled by habitual practices (CMS 40-52).
Thus, my inference is that Umberto Eco was thinking of Peter of Abano when
writing the character of Peter of Sant' Albano.
Patarines (p. 232): a religious and political movement
beginning in the 11th century in northern Italy, centered around
Milano; the Patarines were mostly priests and laymen. They
protested against the marriage of priests, against clergy
having mistresses, and against simony. Their method was to
target individual clergy, especially priests, who were married or
who had mistresses, and simoniacs, by boycotting their services
and sometimes driving them out of their own churches.
<u>“I learned then how, in March of 1307, …who was awaiting the
decision of the Pope.”</u> (p. 232-239) [comments about the torture
and execution of Fra Dolcino by Michael Kondelik]
<br>
<p> Umberto Eco was keenly aware of Michel Foucault’s
theories about torture and its ineffectiveness in deterring deviant behavior
in society. In fact, public executions which incorporated torture
often times encouraged the public to view the criminal with newfound sympathy.
The general atmosphere of these congregations was not one of rejoicing
in the celebration of justice over evil. Rather, the crowd, most
of whom were economically disadvantaged, tended to bond with another oppressed
individual, the condemned. According to Foucault (in Discipline
and Punish, “the apportioning
of the blame is redistributed: in punishment-as-spectacle a confused
horror spread from the scaffold; it enveloped both the executioner and
the condemned; and although it was always ready to invert the shame inflicted
on the victim into pity or glory, it often turned the legal violence of
the executioner into shame”(Foucault 9). Ultimately, the heinous
nature of the spectacle of execution diverted the attention of the throngs
from the matter at hand, deviance. The mutilation of the body distanced
the onlookers from the nature of the crime. Thus, the execution did
not serve as a deterrent for future, similar crimes.
<br>
<p> Eco demonstrated the same ineffectiveness
of punishment-as-spectacle in <i>The Name of the Rose</i>
through umbertino’s description of Fra Dolcino’s torture and execution.
Also, the sympathy that was generated for the condemned because of the
cruel nature of the torture was magnified by a related recollection that
Adso had about the execution of Friar Michael. Umbertino explained
to Adso that Fra Dolcino started as a disciple of Gherardo Segarelli, but
soon after he descended into a “reckless and promiscuous life.” Dolcino,
like Gherardo before him, started a movement to denounce Benedictine authority
because it did not promote an impoverished lifestyle, which is how he interpreted
God’s will. The Dolcinians, as they had come to be known, believed
that mankind needed to follow Jesus’ example; he lived without ownership
and with unparalleled humility. This theory was in complete contradiction
with the socio-economic climate of the medieval Christian culture, where
the clergy owned everything. The Dominican justification for the
clergy’s substantial ownership was that God’s had granted them divine privilege
to own and consequently share with the masses. The Dolcinians were
skeptical of this secret message supposedly transmitted by God to only
the “chosen” ones. They believed this oppressive theory to be only
self-serving for the clergy, because it did not follow the examples set
forth by the scriptures. The lessons learned through scripture were
God’s word, not some secret conversation or imperialistic interpretation.
The result of Dolcino’s irreverence was his condemnation and eventual execution.
<br>
Umbertino described the merciless act, “… Men with red-hot pincers
tore at the flesh of the guilty, [and] Dolcino, who did not move a muscle
on his face, just as he did not utter a moan when the pincers bit into
his limbs, [was placid.] Dolcino underwent other torments and remained
silent, though when they tore off his male member he emitted a long sigh,
like a groan. Then he was burned and his ashes were scattered in
the wind”(Eco 232-233).
<br>
After hearing this account and visualizing it, Adso became unnerved
by its graphic detail and by Dolcino’s calm acceptance of his fate.
The scenario forced into his mind a recollection of the execution of Friar
Michael. Adso remembered Michael’s resolute demeanor, much like that
of Dolcino, as he was burned to death. Adso remembers that his compassion
for this man was greater than his desire to see justice prevail.
Michael, like Gherardo and Dolcino, believed that mankind should not be
preoccupied by ownership and control; he also thought that Christ’s poverty
was to be mimicked by all of mankind.
<br>
Adso recalls the horrific pain that Michael endured with such grace,
“He sang perhaps eight verses of ‘Te Deim,’ then bent over as if to sneeze,
and fell to the ground. “…If it had not been for the charred body
of Michael, still glimpsed among the glowing coals, I would have said I
was standing before a burning bush”(Eco 239).
<br>
Thus, Eco had Adso prove Foucault’s theory as valid because he felt
sympathy for the condemned rather than fear of the supposed heretical crime.
The analogy to the ‘burning bush” symbolized God’s acknowledgment , in
<i>Exodus 3</i>, that, “I have witnessed the affliction of my people
in Egypt and have heard their cries of complaint against their slave drivers,
so I know well they are suffering.” Adso’s connection between Michael
and the scripture proved that he felt sympathy, as did God for his people,
and he, at least temporarily, has transferred the guilt from the condemned
to the executioners.
Flagellants (p. 232): heretical sect first in evidence in Perugia, Italy (the center of Franciscan spirituality) in the 13th century. This sect flourished during the 14th century, especially during the great Plague of 1347-1349, when it was hoped that the Flagellants could intercede for divine relief from disease. The Flagellants developed a ritual that included a procession and public beating and self-flagellation. The sect was extinguished quickly after it was condemned as heretical in the mid 14th century, but "flagellang" tendencies continued to be part of Catholic tradition.
Illustrated Apocalypse of the Hispanic school (p. 241):
Adso calls attention to a Spanish illuminated book of Revelation.
Later in, William and Adso will discover that the library
has a large collection of Spanish illuminated Apocalypses, which
Jorge of Burgos had obtained for the monastery. His ability
to do so led to his appointment as librarian, contrary to
usual succession in the monastery. See Seventh Day: Night (pp. 463-79),
at p. 470.
mulier amicta sole (p. 241): 'woman clothed in
the sun'.
"her head rose proudly on a neck as white as an ivory tower" (p. 245) [comment by Liisa Hake]: In the Postscript to The Name of the Rose, Umberto Eco says that he pieced together Adso's praises to the peasant girl in the kitchen from notes cards on which he had quotes from the Song of Songs, Jean de Fecamp, Saint Hildegard of Bingen and St. Bernard of Clairvaux. Most of Adso's words are from Song of Songs, especially those exclaimed during the heat of passion, when he is describing the girl. For instance, Adso says "…her head rose proudly on a neck as white as an ivory tower, her eyes were as clear as the pools of Heshbon, her nose was as the tower of Lebanon…her tresses seemed to me like a flock of goats, her teeth like flocks of sheep coming up from their bath, all in pairs…" (Eco 245). Compare Adso's description to the following lines from the Song of Songs 4:2:
Your hair like a flock of goats
Streaming down Mount Gilead.
Your teeth are like a flock of ewes
newly shorn,
freshly come up from the dipping;
all of them have
twins, and none has
lost a lamb.
Again, at Song of Songs 7:2:
Your neck is like a tower of ivory,
Your eyes are the pools of Heshbon,
beside the gate of the crowded city.
Your nose is like towering Lebanon
That looks toward Damascus.
During the lovemaking scene, Adso says, he used words that simply came out of his memory, not thinking at the time that his words came from Scripture and various saints, and that they originally referred to divine, rather than carnal, love (Eco 244). In his postscript to the novel, Eco says he is not able to remember the exact quotes or exactly where they came from. Theresa Coletti, in Naming the Rose, points the reader to some particular sources for Adso's utterances. For instance, Jean de Fecamp is the author of Lament on Abandoned Quiet and Solitude. Jean LeClercq, in Monks and Love in Twelfth-Century France (Oxford University Press, 1979), explains that the lament was written after Fecamp had given up a very reclusive monastic life in order to work on church reform and to serve as abbot. His former life of solitude is portrayed as his lost lover, and his writing is full of allusions to Song of Songs and to the works of various classical writers (pp. 44-45).
When during the lovemaking Adso's joy "was about to reach its zenith" (Name of the Rose, 247), he described his sensations using the words of St. Bernard of Clairvaux; Adso says:
"As a little drop of water added to a quantity of wine is completely dispersed
and takes on the color and taste of wine, as red-hot iron becomes like molten
fire losing its original form, as air when it is inundated with the sun's light is
transformed into total splendor and clarity so that it no longer seems illuminated
but, rather seems to be light itself, so I felt myself die of tender liquefaction…"
St. Bernard says much the same in describing the "Fourth Degree of Love" in On the Love of God:
"Just as a little drop of water mixed with a lot of wine seems entirely to lose its
own identity, while it takes on the taste of wine and its color; just as iron, heated
and glowing, looks very much like fire…; and just as air flooded with the light of
of the sun is transformed into the same splendor of light so that it appears not
so much lighted up as to be light itself; so it will inevitably happen that in saints
every human affection will then, in some ineffable manner, melt away from self
and be entirely transfused into the will of God" (Thomas S. Kepler, The Fellowship of the Saints [New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1948]. p. 123).
St. Hildegard of Bingen wrote metaphorically about the love of God as well; however,
St. Hildegard. St. Bernard and other medieval saints in no way denied the reality of their bodily nature and their psychological make-up" (Leclercq, op cit., p. 6). St. Hildegard, besides her religious opinions and visions, expressed a "typically feminine form of love" and was "the first of many women who wrote about love" (Leclerq p. 14); thus, novices, like Adso, with
St. Hildegard, other saints and Scripture contributing , were well-fueled for all manner of desire and devotions.
[Further comment by Liisa Hake] Adso's phrase during the kitchen scene, "she who rose like the dawn, fair as the moon, clear as the sun, terrible as an army of banners" (p. 245) comes from the Song as Solomon, just as do many of the other phrases in this scene. However, the phrase is not in all editions of the Bible, and in some, where it does exist, it is less dramatically worded. While the Revised and King James versions and the Latin Vulgate read exactly as above, the New International Bible has reduced the line to "You are beautiful, my darling, lovely as Jerusalem, majestic as troops with banners" (6:4).
"dead but still throbbing" (p. 250): [Marilyn Sutton comments] After Adso's sexual encounter with the
girl in the kitchen, he unwraps the package the girl was clutching when he
first saw her, the parcel which she left behind in her haste to exit the
kitchen. Inside is a throbbing heart, reminiscent of Poe's "The Tell-Tale
Heart." The heart symbolizes Adso's sexual guilt, as Poe's heart symbolizes a
murderer's guilt. Other clues include the girl's holding "the dark package"
to her breast (near her heart - mentioned twice on pages 243 and 245) and its
cloth wrapper, akin to Poe's "enveloped in cotton" simile (Poe, The Complete
Stories, p. 661.)
"I let out a cry and fell as a dead body falls" (p. 251):
[Holly Spruckler comments] This is taken from the last line of canto 5 of the
Inferno, which in the Mandelbaum translation reads:
"And then I fell as a dead body falls." (New York:
Bantam, 1980). Eco's borrowing of this quote is
especially apt, for Canto V of the Inferno is a canto
that Dante has designated for the sins of the lustful,
where Dante the pilgrim swoons shortly after meeting
the pair of sinful lovers (Paoplo and Francesca). On
page 250 Adso swoons shortly following his lustful
thoughts concerning an encounter with a woman. So here
we have an example of Eco's subtle weaving of
intertextuality.
The next study page is
Third Day: Night
(pp. 251-65)